ainly you do not expect； with the good man Fourier； that literary property will exercise itself in China to the profit of a French writer； and that an ode of Lamartine； sold by privilege all over the world； will bring in millions to its author！ The poet's work is peculiar to the climate in which he lives； every where else the reproduction of his works； having no market value； should be frank and free。 But what！ will it be necessary for nations to put themselves under mutual surveillance for the sake of verses； statues； and elixirs？ We shall always have； then； an excise； a city…toll； rights of entrance and transit； custom…houses finally； and then； as a reaction against privilege； smuggling。
Smuggling！ That word reminds me of one of the most horrible forms of property。 〃Smuggling；〃 you have said； sir；＇1＇ 〃is an offence of political creation； it is the exercise of natural liberty； defined as a crime in certain cases by the will of the sovereign。 The smuggler is a gallant man；a man of spirit； who gaily busies himself in procuring for his neighbor； at a very low price； a jewel； a shawl； or any other object of necessity or luxury； which domestic monopoly renders excessively dear。〃 Then； to a very poetical monograph of the smuggler； you add this dismal conclusion；that the smuggler belongs to the family of Mandrin； and that the galleys should be his home！
＇1＇ Lecture of Jan。 15； 1841。
But； sir； you have not called attention to the horrible exploitation which is carried on in this way in the name of property。
It is said；and I give this report only as an hypothesis and an illustration； for I do not believe it；it is said that the present minister of finances owes his fortune to smuggling。 M。 Humann； of Strasbourg； sent out of France； it is said； enormous quantities of sugar； for which he received the bounty on exportation promised by the State； then； smuggling this sugar back again； he exported it anew； receiving the bounty on exportation a second time； and so on。 Notice； sir； that I do not state this as a fact； I give it only as it is told； not endorsing or even believing it。 My sole design is to fix the idea in the mind by an example。 If I believed that a minister had committed such a crime； that is； if I had personal and authentic knowledge that he had； I would denounce M。 Humann； the minister of finances； to the Chamber of Deputies； and would loudly demand his expulsion from the ministry。
But that which is undoubtedly false of M。 Humann is true of many others； as rich and no less honorable than he。 Smuggling； organized on a large scale by the eaters of human flesh； is carried on to the profit of a few pashas at the risk and peril of their imprudent victims。 The inactive proprietor offers his merchandise for sale； the actual smuggler risks his liberty； his honor； and his life。 If success crowns the enterprise； the courageous servant gets paid for his journey； the profit goes to the coward。 If fortune or treachery delivers the instrument of this execrable traffic into the hands of the custom…house officer； the master…smuggler suffers a loss which a more fortunate voyage will soon repair。 The agent； pronounced a scoundrel； is thrown into prison in company with robbers； while his glorious patron； a juror； elector； deputy； or minister； makes laws concerning expropriation； monopoly； and custom…houses！
I promised； at the beginning of this letter； that no attack on property should escape my pen； my only object being to justify myself before the public by a general recrimination。 But I could not refrain from branding so odious a mode of exploitation； and I trust that this short digression will be pardoned。 Property does not avenge； I hope； the injuries which smuggling suffers。
The conspiracy against property is general； it is flagrant； it takes possession of all minds； and inspires all our laws； it lies at the bottom of all theories。 Here the proletaire pursues property in the street； there the legislator lays an interdict upon it； now； a professor of political economy or of industrial legislation；＇1＇ paid to defend it； undermines it with redoubled blows； at anothertime； an academy calls it in question；＇2＇ or inquires as to the progress of its demolition。＇3＇ To…day there is not an idea； not an opinion； not a sect； which does not dream of muzzling property。 None confess it； because none are yet conscious of it； there are too few minds capable of grasping spontaneously this ensemble of causes and effects； of principles and consequences； by which I try to demonstrate the approaching disappearance of property； on the other hand； the ideas that are generally formed of this right are too divergent and too loosely determined to allow an admission； so soon； of the contrary theory。 Thus； in the middle and lower ranks of literature and philosophy； no less than among the common people； it is thought that； when property is abolished； no one will be able to enjoy the fruit of his labor； that no one will have any thing peculiar to himself； and that tyrannical communism will be established on the ruins of family and liberty！chimeras； which are to support for a little while longer the cause of privilege。
＇1＇ MM。 Blanqui and Wolowski。
＇2＇ Subject proposed by the Fourth Class of the Institute； the Academy of Moral and Political Sciences： 〃What would be the effect upon the working…class of the organization of labor； according to the modern ideas of association？〃
＇3＇ Subject proposed by the Academy of Besancon： 〃The economical and moral consequences in France； up to the present time； and those which seem likely to appear in future； of the law concerning the equal division of hereditary property between the children。〃
But； before determining precisely the idea of property； before seeking amid the contradictions of systems for the common element which must form the basis of the new right； let us cast a rapid glance at the changes which； at the various periods of history； property has undergone。 The political forms of nations are the expression of their beliefs。 The mobility of these forms； their modification and their destruction； are solemn experiences which show us the value of ideas； and gradually eliminate from the infinite variety of customs the absolute； eternal； and immutable truth。 Now； we shall see that every political institution tends； necessarily； and on pain of death； to equalize conditions； that every where and always equality of fortunes （like equality of rights） has been the social aim； whether the plebeian classes have endeavored to rise to political power by means of property； or whetherrulers alreadythey have used political power to overthrow property。 We shall see； in short； by the progress of society； that the consummation of justice lies in the extinction of individual domain。
For the sake of brevity； I will disregard the testimony of ecclesiastical history and Christian theology： this subject deserves a separate treatise； and I propose hereafter to return to it。 Moses and Jesus Christ proscribed； under the names of usury and inequality；＇1＇ all sorts of profit and increase。 The church itself； in its purest teachings； has always condemned property； and when I attacked； not only the authority of the church； but also its infidelity to justice； I did it to the glory of religion。 I wanted to provoke a peremptory reply； and to pave the way for Christianity's triumph； in spite of the innumerable attacks of which it is at present the object。 I hoped that an apologist would arise forthwith； and； taking his stand upon the Scriptures； the Fathers； the canons； and the councils and constitutions of the Popes； would demonstrate that the church always has maintained the doctrine of equality； and would attribute to temporary necessity the contradictions of its discipline。 Such a labor would serve the cause of religion as well as that of equality。 We must know； sooner or later； whether Christianity is to be regenerated in the church or out of it； and whether this church accepts the reproaches cast upon it of hatred to liberty and antipathy to progress。 Until then we will suspend judgment； and content ourselves with placing before the clergy the teachings of history。
＇1＇ ｛GREEK； ？n n ‘｝；greater property。 The Vulgate translates it avaritia。
When Lycurgus undertook to make laws for Sparta； in what condition did he find this republic？ On this point all historians agree。 The people and the nobles were at war。 The city was in a confused state； and divided by two parties；the party of the poor； and the party of the rich。 Hardly escaped from the barbarism of the heroic ages； society was rapidly declining。 The proletariat made war upon property； which； in its turn； oppressed the proletariat。 What did Lycurgus do？ His first measure was one of general security； at the very idea of which our legislators would tremble。 He abolished all debts； then； employing by turns persuasion and force； he induced the nobles to renounce their privileges； and re…established equality。
Lycurgus； in a word； hunted property out of Lacedaemon； seeing no other way to harmonize liberty； equality； and law。 I certainly should not wish France to follow the example of Sparta； but it is remarkable that the most ancient of Greek legislators； thoroughly acquainted with the nature and needs of the people； more capable than any one else of appreciating the legitimacy of the obligations which he； in the exercise of his absolute authority； cancelled； who had compared the legislative systems of his time； and whose wisdom an oracle had proclaimed； it is remarkable； I say； that Lycurgus should have judged the right of property incompatible with free institutions； and should have thought it his duty to preface his legislation by a coup d'etat which destroyed all distinctions of fortune。
Lycurgus understood perfectly that the luxury； the love of enjoyments； and the inequality of fortunes； which property engenders； are the bane of society； unfortunately the means which he employed to preserve his republic were suggested to him by false notions of political economy； and by a superficial knowledge of the human heart。 Accordingly； property； which this legislator wrongly confounded with wealth； reentered the cit