ot talent （which is also a force）； it is not knowledge； it is not beauty which makes the man。 It is heart； courage； will； virtue。 Now； if we are equal in that which makes us men； how can the accidental distribution of secondary faculties detract from our manhood？
Remember that privilege is naturally and inevitably the lot of the weak； and do not be misled by the fame which accompanies certain talents whose greatest merit consists in their rarity； and a long and toilsome apprenticeship。 It is easier for M。 Lamennais to recite a philippic； or sing a humanitarian ode after the Platonic fashion； than to discover a single useful truth； it is easier for an economist to apply the laws of production and distribution than to write ten lines in the style of M。 Lamennais； it is easier for both to speak than to act。 You； then； who put your hands to the work； who alone truly create； why do you wish me to admit your inferiority？ But； what am I saying？
Yes； you are inferior； for you lack virtue and will！ Ready for labor and for battle； you have； when liberty and equality are in question； neither courage nor character！
In the preface to his pamphlet on 〃Le Pays et le Gouvernement；〃 as well as in his defence before the jury； M。 Lamennais frankly declared himself an advocate of property。 Out of regard for the author and his misfortune； I shall abstain from characterizing this declaration； and from examining these two sorrowful performances。 M。 Lamennais seems to be only the tool of a quasi… radical party； which flatters him in order to use him； without respect for a glorious； but hence forth powerless； old age。 What means this profession of faith？ From the first number of 〃L'Avenir〃 to 〃L'Esquisse d'une Philosophie；〃 M。 Lamennais always favors equality； association； and even a sort of vague and indefinite communism。 M。 Lamennais； in recognizing the right of property； gives the lie to his past career； and renounces his most generous tendencies。 Can it； then； be true that in this man； who has been too roughly treated； but who is also too easily flattered； strength of talent has already outlived strength of will？
It is said that M。 Lamennais has rejected the offers of several of his friends to try to procure for him a commutation of his sentence。 M。 Lamennais prefers to serve out his time。 May not this affectation of a false stoicism come from the same source as his recognition of the right of property？ The Huron； when taken prisoner； hurls insults and threats at his conqueror；that is the heroism of the savage； the martyr prays for his executioners； and is willing to receive from them his life；that is the heroism of the Christian。 Why has the apostle of love become an apostle of anger and revenge？ Has； then； the translator of 〃L'Imitation〃 forgotten that he who offends charity cannot honor virtue？ Galileo； retracting on his knees before the tribunal of the inquisition his heresy in regard to the movement of the earth； and recovering at that price his liberty； seems to me a hundred times grander than M。 Lamennais。 What！ if we suffer for truth and justice； must we； in retaliation； thrust our persecutors outside the pale of human society； and； when sentenced to an unjust punishment； must we decline exemption if it is offered to us； because it pleases a few base satellites to call it a pardon？ Such is not the wisdom of Christianity。 But I forgot that in the presence of M。 Lamennais this name is no longer pronounced。 May the prophet of 〃L'Avenir〃 be soon restored to liberty and his friends； but； above all； may he henceforth derive his inspiration only from his genius and his heart！
O proletaires； proletaires！ how long are you to be victimized by this spirit of revenge and implacable hatred which your false friends kindle； and which； perhaps； has done more harm to the development of reformatory ideas than the corruption； ignorance； and malice of the government？ Believe me； at the present time everybody is to blame。 In fact； in intention； or in example； all are found wanting； and you have no right to accuse any one。 The king himself （God forgive me！ I do not like to justify a king）；the king himself is； like his predecessors； only the personification of an idea； and an idea； proletaires； which possesses you yet。 His greatest wrong consists in wishing for its complete realization； while you wish it realized only partially；consequently； in being logical in his government； while you； in your complaints； are not at all so。 You clamor for a second regicide。 He that is without sin among you；let him cast at the prince of property the first stone！
How successful you would have been if； in order to influence men； you had appealed to the self…love of men；if； in order to alter the constitution and the law； you had placed yourselves within the constitution and the law！ Fifty thousand laws； they say； make up our political and civil codes。 Of these fifty thousand laws； twenty…five thousand are for you； twenty…five thousand against you。 Is it not clear that your duty is to oppose the former to the latter； and thus； by the argument of contradiction； drive privilege into its last ditch？ This method of action is henceforth the only useful one； being the only moral and rational one。
For my part； if I had the ear of this nation； to which I am attached by birth and predilection； with no intention of playing the leading part in the future republic； I would instruct the laboring masses to conquer property through institutions and judicial pleadings； to seek auxiliaries and accomplices in the highest ranks of society； and to ruin all privileged classes by taking advantage of their common desire for power and popularity。
The petition for the electoral reform has already received two hundred thousand signatures； and the illustrious Arago threatens us with a million。 Surely； that will be well done； but from this million of citizens； who are as willing to vote for an emperor as for equality； could we not select ten thousand signaturesI mean bona fide signatureswhose authors can read； write； cipher； and even think a little； and whom we could invite； after due perusal and verbal explanation； to sign such a petition as the following：
〃TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR：
〃MONSIEUR LE MINISTRE；On the day when a royal ordinance； decreeing the establishment of model national workshops； shall appear in the ‘Moniteur；' the undersigned； to the number of TEN THOUSAND； will repair to the Palace of the Tuileries； and there； with all the power of their lungs； will shout； ‘Long live Louis Philippe！'
〃On the day when the ‘Moniteur' shall inform the public that this petition is refused； the undersigned； to the number of TEN THOUSAND； will say secretly in their hearts； ‘Down with Louis Philippe！'〃
If I am not mistaken； such a petition would have some effect。＇1＇ The pleasure of a popular ovation would be well worth the sacrifice of a few millions。 They sow so much to reap unpopularity！ Then； if the nation； its hopes of 1830 restored； should feel it its duty to keep its promise；and it would keep it； for the word of the nation is； like that of God； sacred；if； I say； the nation； reconciled by this act with the public…spirited monarchy； should bear to the foot of the throne its cheers and its vows； and should at that solemn moment choose me to speak in its name； the following would be the substance of my speech：
＇1＇ The electoral reform； it is continually asserted； is not an END； but a MEANS。 Undoubtedly； but what； then； is the end？ Why not furnish an unequivocal explanation of its object？ How can the people choose their representatives； unless they know in advance the purpose for which they choose them； and the object of the commission which they entrust to them？
But； it is said； the very business of those chosen by the people is to find out the object of the reform。
That is a quibble。 What is to hinder these persons； who are to be elected in future； from first seeking for this object； and then； when they have found it； from communicating it to the people？ The reformers have well said； that； while the object of the electoral reform remains in the least indefinite； it will be only a means of transferring power from the hands of petty tyrants to the hands of other tyrants。 We know already how a nation may be oppressed by being led to believe that it is obeying only its own laws。 The history of universal suffrage； among all nations； is the history of the restrictions of liberty by and in the name of the multitude。
Still； if the electoral reform； in its present shape； were rational； practical； acceptable to clean consciences and upright minds； perhaps one might be excused； though ignorant of its object； for supporting it。 But； no； the text of the petition determines nothing； makes no distinctions； requires no conditions； no guarantee； it establishes the right without the duty。 〃Every Frenchman is a voter； and eligible to office。〃 As well say： 〃Every bayonet is intelligent； every savage is civilized； every slave is free。〃 In its vague generality； the reformatory petition is the weakest of abstractions； or the highest form of political treason。 Consequently； the enlightened patriots distrust and despise each other。 The most radical writer of the time；he whose economical and social theories are； without comparison； the most advanced；M。 Leroux； has taken a bold stand against universal suffrage and democratic government； and has written an exceedingly keen criticism of J。 J。 Rousseau。 That is undoubtedly the reason why M。 Leroux is no longer the philosopher of 〃Le National。〃 That journal； like Napoleon； does not like men of ideas。 Nevertheless； 〃Le National〃 ought to know that he who fights against ideas will perish by ideas。
〃SIRE；This is what the nation wishes to say to your Majesty：
〃O King！ you see what it costs to gain the applause of the citizens。 Would you like us henceforth to take for our motto： ‘Let us help the King； the King will help us'？ Do you wish the people to cry： ‘THE KING AND THE FRENCH NATION'？ Then abandon these grasping bankers； these quarrelsome lawyers； these miserable bourgeois； these infamous writers； these dishonored men。 All these； Sire； hate you； and continue to s